“Why I Write What I Write in 15 Propositions”

“Why I Write What I Write in 15 Propositions”

  1. I write for Black people and for the Haitian people.
  2. I write to instruct people about Haiti, Africa, and the African Diaspora.
  3. I write to educate all people and to provide a vehicle for individuals to grow intellectually and emotionally and in connection with their environment and to the global village.
  4. I write to expose my personal and intellectual sensibilities and to articulate my interpretation of the world and the human ideas and events that shaped and reshaped society and human civilization.
  5. I write with an emancipative intent and from a liberative framework–as a person of faith: a follower of Christ–to engage critically and responsibly the intersections of faith, secularism, and humanism.
  6. I write for humanity, about the human condition and experience in the world, and for the interest and delight of human beings.
  7. I write because ideas in books have changed my life, and writing makes me a more compassionate person and engaged citizen of the interconnected world.
  8. I write because I do not wish to see the Printed Culture disappear in our civilization nor do I want to experience the end of human reason and logic through the end of writing as craft, technology, and art.
  9. I write to continue the conversation previous writers have initiated; to strengthen and expand the conversation through innovative ideas; to break and change the rules; to refine and reconstruct their ideas and arguments; and to celebrate and prolong their legacy through the written word.
  10. I write because I believe in the freedom of the mind, the agency of human intellect, and the interindependence of human reason.
  11. I write because writing sustains the life of the mind and prevents it from declining and altogether disappearing.
  12. I write because my pen allows me to reflect upon the complexity of the human condition expressed through a history of pain and suffering, through a narrative of struggle and conflict, and through a life of human joy, pleasure, and solidarity.
  13. I write to foster peace and human solidarity, and to strengthen human relationships and bring hope and healing to diverse communities.
  14. I write for this present world, a new and transformed global community, and for a new generation yet to be born.
  15. I write to make God smile and for Jesus to delight in my prose.

“Toward a Politics of Sustainable Development and Human Flourishing: 20 Major Forces and Interventions to Eradicate Political Corruption and Destroy American and Western Imperialism and Hegemony in Haiti”

“Toward a Politics of Sustainable Development and Human Flourishing: 20 Major Forces and Interventions to Eradicate Political Corruption and Destroy American and Western Imperialism and Hegemony in Haiti”


1. Unwavering patriotic zeal and passion for Haiti


2. Political integrity and consistency in the political life


3. The Haitianization of Haitian education (i.e. higher learning) and the indigenous formation and cultivation of this generation of Haitian youths


4. The reeducation of the Haitian elite minority and the decolonization of Haiti’s institutions and systems


5. Consistent grassroots mobilization and unity toward institutional and systemic reform in the country


6. Sustaining national solidarity and the reconstitution of the Haitian psyche toward a comprehensive self-criticism and a positive self-consciousness 


7. The removal of the corrupt Haitian oligarchy from the country–either by force or forced exile–and the revocation of their Haitian citizenship, including their rights of land ownership and their rights and freedom to conduct business in Haiti.


8. Immediate executive and judicial order to prevent current corrupt Haitian politicians, including current judges, senators, deputies, and state representatives, from participating in future elections and assuming future government offices in the next 50 years


9. Rigorous and consistent investment in technology and science, and the creation of world-class STEM schools and higher learning in the country.


10. Creation of new National, State, and Regional Ethics Committees–both at the independent and government level–to ensure financial accountability and to establish good governance and management of the resources of the Haitian state


11. Creation of new Ethics Committee at the National, State, and Regional level to regulate the operations and restrict the (suspicious) activities of the non-profit government organizations in the country of Haiti


12. Restructuring the contemporary country’s Judicial and Criminal system to ensure judicial fairness and good judgment,  promote moral excellence and integrity, and champion social and political justice in the Haitian society


13. Reframing the current Police system to ensure inclusive service and safety to the country’s citizens, dispell national corruption, and to secure moral accountability and faithfulness to the law of the land


14.  Comprehensive reform of the agricultural sector and developing the country’s natural resources toward economic development and sovereignty


15. Promote and invest in consistent programs and projects on interreligious dialogue and understanding to establish national peace and unity, to eliminate religious violence and rhetoric of demonization of certain religious traditions, and to champion our shared dignity and humanity in society


16. The reeducation of Haitian Christian ministers and clergy to value Haitian culture and tradition, and the comprehensive Haitianization of Haitian churches and other faith communities in the country


17. Developing and investing in the country’s healthcare system and public health, as well as the construction of new medical facilities and hospitals with advanced technologies and human intelligence


18. Creation of new medical schools and nursing schools, and the training of new healthcare professionals to deal with the national shortage of healthcare professionals, especially Haitian doctors and nurses in the country


19. Investing in the country’s educators and secondary-school teachers through good teacher’s educational programs and increasing teacher’s national salary

20. Creating new friendly and hospitable environments in which Haitians will learn to love Haiti and to respect each other, love one another, and support one another.

George Breathett on the Code Noir of 1685!

Prominent African American historian on colonial slavery & religion (Roman Catholicism) in the French colony of Saint-Domingue Prof. George Breathett of Bennett College (Greensboro, North Carolina) was an excellent interpreter of the colonial system. I found him to be a fair, insightful, knowledgeable, well-balanced, rigorous, and amicable historian and writer.

Does anyone have a picture of him?

I do not think many Haitian scholars and historians who wrote about slavery and religion in the French colony of Saint-Domingue are familiar with his work–rarely do they interact with his writings. Of course, Professor Breathett published in the English language.

In his article on the Code Noir of 1685 (the Black Code), Breathett makes the following reasoning and observation:

“The Code Noir was one of the most significant humanitarian developments in the history of colonial Haiti. The benevolent outlook and practices of the Church and its continued agitation for concrete slave legislation, plus Christian piety and enlightenment, greatly influenced the Code’s passage. Had the existing status of the slave been maintained, it would have destroyed, in the long run, the effectiveness of the Church and the Church’s teachings…

Was the Code Noir effective and enforced? While there are evidences of cruelty toward slaves in Haiti, it can be that the Code gave the slave a form of constitutional protection, though unenforceable on a day-to-day basis. Vaissiere sates that notwithstanding some abuses, the more responsible colonists approved the Code. Although many writers have stated that the planters and merchants of Haiti were cruel to their slaves, it is difficult to believe that valuable economic property would be treated so carelessly on an extensive or mass scale. Such would have been economic folly; and if the burning, binding, and crippling of black slaves had been commonplace, Haiti could not have become the wealthiest colony in the French empire during this period. Certainly, the treatment of slaves in the French colonies was mild, compared to the severity of the English slavemaster, who held virtually unlimited power and sanctioned some of the most horrid enormities ever tolerated by law.

The promulgation of the Code Noir represented, legally at least, a triumph of Christian justice and humanitarianism. Its major provisions depicted the attitude of the Church and its missionaries toward slavery and paved the way for continued elevation of the status of the slave through the works of the Church and its Christianization efforts” (George Breathett, “Catholicism and the Code Noir in Haiti,” pp. 7, 10, 1988)

“African Methodist Episcopal Church and Missionaries in Haiti”

“African Methodist Episcopal Church and Missionaries in Haiti”

Did you know that African American missionaries from the African Methodist Episcopal Church, which Richard Allen founded in 1816, built the first Protestant Church (Saint Peter’s African Methodist Episcopal Church) in Haiti in 1824? In other words, the second Protestant denomination established in Haiti in 1824 (only 23 years after the birth of the nation of Haiti) is the African Methodist Episcopal Church (A.M.E. Church). (Other historians have reported the church was erected in 1834). The first Protestant denomination established in Haiti in 1816 (only 15 yrs after the birth of Haiti) was Methodism from the Methodist Wesleyan Mission of England.

Bishop Richard Allen (1760-1831) ordained two African American Christians in the 1820s and sent them as missionaries to Haiti. Rev. Richard Robinson was one of them who served as missionary in Haiti for seven years. Rev. Scipio Beans of Maryland, the second missionary, succeeded Rev. Robinson in 1832; he assumed the leadership of the A. M. E. Church in Haiti (Saint Peter’s).


In 1830, Haitian Methodist Christians made a request to the Head of the A.M.E. Church to incorporate Haitian Methodism into the African Methodist Episcopal Church.

Below, you will find a popular song composed by African slave Christians who immigrated to Haiti in 1820:

“Sailing on the ocean.
Bless the Lord,
I am on my way,
Farewell to Georgia,
Moses is gone to Hayti”

For those interested on the subject, read this important article, Effie Lee Newsome, “Early Figures in Haitian Methodism” (1944)

“An apran viv ansanm/Let us learn to live together: Ten Theses about Interreligious Dialogue and Understanding between Vodou and Christianity in Haiti”

“An apran viv ansanm/Let us learn to live together: Ten Theses about Interreligious Dialogue and Understanding between Vodou and Christianity in Haiti”
By Celucien L. Joseph, PhD
9/29/2021

In the process of recommending and fostering a positive interreligious dialogue and understanding between the adherents of the two dominant religious traditions in Haiti—Haitian Vodou and Haitian Christianity—, I present these ten theses below as a summary of my approach toward this goal. Certainly, an interreligious approach to promote and celebrate religious differences and pluralism, participatory democracy, active citizenship, and nation-building is a complex labor and phenomenon that demands the collective participation of all Haitians regardless of one’s religious sensibility and orientation—toward the general welfare of the Haitian people and human flourishing in the Haitian society and in the world.

  1. The African-derived religion of Vodou is intrinsic to the Haitian culture just like Christianity is a core element of the Haitian reality—especially in contemporary Haitian society. Yet both Vodouists and Christians should remember that Haiti was not founded as a “Vodou nation” or a “Christian country.” Both religious traditions have been present simultaneously in the Haitian experience, from the beginning of the Haitian Revolution (August 1791) to the end of the Revolution (January 1804) and the founding moment of the nation of Haiti (January 1804).
  2. The religion of Vodou reflects the reality of the Haitian people and is deeply rooted in the Haitian experience and cosmology. Correspondingly, Haitian devotion to Christianity has significantly marked the Haitian soul and that Protestant Haitian Christianity is radically shifting the current religious sensibility of the Haitian people.
  3. The Vodouist worldview or mentality is associated with the general worldview or mentality of the Haitian people. In the same line of thought, Christianity has been with the Haitian people since colonial times in the French colony of Saint-Domingue and had assumed an active presence in the entire island of Hispaniola since the beginning. In fact, Christianity has deep African roots and direct historical antecedents in Africa before it was spread in Western Europe and in the emergence of modern slavery and colonization in the Americas and continental (precolonial) Africa.
  4. Haitian Christians and Vodouists need to learn to live together, in understanding, in unity, and in peace with their Christian and Vodouist neighbors and families; religion, whether Vodou or Christianity, should not be deployed as a weapon of exploitation, oppression, destruction, and abuse in the Haitian society. In other words, Christianity and Vodou should not be used to perform acts of cultural evil and injustice in society; rather, they should be employed as an instrument of moral and economic development and human flourishing in Haiti and the world.
  5. The African-derived religion of Vodou is not going to go anywhere. It has proven to be a significant aspect in Haitian history and culture; hence, it is irrelevant and futile to try to eradicate Vodou from the Haitian soil. (Nonetheless, if a religious practice, behavior, or ritual is deemed unethical, not morally constructive, and does not promote the common good, it needs to be prevented from spreading in the wider society.) In the same line of thought, Haitian Christianity has its proper place in the Haitian society and culture, and it continues to grow exponentially in contemporary Haitian society and has become a major pillar in the religious experience of the Haitian people.
  6. Let the Vodouists have their rights to practice their religion openly, freely, and unashamedly without being demonized and blamed for Haiti’s socio-economic troubles; similarly, let the Haitian Christians enjoy their rights to practice their faith openly without being blamed for Haiti’s underdevelopment and political crisis. Vodouists and Christians should sit together to talk and reason when the freedom of (one’s) religion infringes on the rights and freedoms of a different religious system—be it Vodou or Christianity. No religion or faith tradition has/should have the spiritual or religious monopoly in a secular (but paradoxically and overwhelmingly religious) state like Haiti.
  7. Haitian Christians should appreciate the worth and value Vodou as a faith system has added to the personal life and experience of Haitians—especially to those who have embraced it and continue to yield to its tenets—as well as to the national identity and culture of Haiti—without compromising their moral values and biblical beliefs. In the same line of thought, Vodouists should acknowledge the merits and benefits of Christianity in the Haitian life and history.
  8. While we recognize the drastic differences and similarities between Haitian Vodou and Haitian Christianity, each religion can be respected and tolerated for its own epistemological framework and worldview, ontological perception about God and the sacred, as well as its metaphysical conception of both natural and supernatural world, the universe, and the human life. Let the Vodou practitioner know Vodou is not biblical Christianity! Let the Haitian Christian come to the full understanding that biblical Christianity is not Vodou! The two should not be mixed, syncretized, or intermingled; Christian practices should be Christian, and Vodou rituals should be Vodouist.
  9. Within the practice of religious freedom and liberty, both Vodouists and Christians should not be shunned in society because of their attempt in proselytizing people into their faith or in the process of making converts or followers to their respective religion. Personal and voluntary proselytization is a pivotal element associated with the practice of religious right and freedom. In some religious traditions, such as Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, and Islam, active proselytization is linked to religious expansion and conversion. On the other hand, because of its inclusive and pluralistic nature, the Vodou religion is not a “proselytized faith,” and that particular aspect of Vodou should not justify Vodou practitioners not to tolerate Christian conversion and evangelism nor should they banned Christians in doing so in the Haitian society. Religious proselytization should be practiced in respect and tolerance, and in the absence of rhetoric of religious discrimination and acts of demonization and dehumanization.
  10. Haitian Vodouists and Christians should appeal to the moral teachings and ethical values of both religions to strengthen democracy, champion Haitian humanity and dignity, and eradicate poverty and violence in Haiti. The resources of both traditions are vital to improve the country’s civil and political societies toward a more just community and a new Haiti. In the same line of thought, Haitian Vodouists and Christians should use the channel of interreligious dialogue and mutual understanding to prevent future interreligious tensions, to reduce religious-based death threats and violence, and to counteract rhetorical discourses of Vodouphobia and Christianophobia in the Haitian society and culture.

“Haitian Theodicy, the God of Dutty Boukman, and the Claims of the gods of Haitian Prophets and Prophetesses”

“Haitian Theodicy, the God of Dutty Boukman, and the Claims of the gods of Haitian Prophets and Prophetesses”

There is a current crisis in the Haitian society that has invaded the sphere of theological and religious education. This religious crisis is also epistemological and political; it has deeps roots in a profound misunderstanding and misinterpretation of Haitian history, political theology, and human history, correspondingly. This miseducation of history, politics, and religion is particularly evident in the lips of certain Haitian Christians who have claimed to speak in the name of God and have heard divine revelation for the Haitian people, both in Haiti and the Haitian Diaspora. Also, there is a catastrophe of false gods misleading the Haitian people through false promises about the coming of the new Haiti and a new system of government.

Recently, I have been able to collect diverse information from various sources, including Haitian news media, radio stations, and television channels. The collected information emerged from the lips of some Haitian preachers, prophets, and prophetesses who made the claim that God told them there will be a greater disaster in Haiti, eve more dangerous and deadly than what the Haitian people have experienced in the past.

Some have even prophesied that Haiti will be divided into seven kingdoms that will eventually establish a theocratic government in the nation of Haiti. Others have declared that there will be no more presidents and presidential elections in Haiti. Still, others have claimed that God is restoring the Haitian people, but he must clean up the nation of Haiti first, that is, he must further terrorize, torture, and kill a few more Haitians before the creation of the new Haiti and the establishment of his new theocratic government in Haiti.

To make sense of this absurdity, I would like you faithful readers to consider these recent catastrophes and traumas that have impacted Haiti, the Haitian people, and the Haitian Diaspora:

  1. On January 12, 2010, the nation of Haiti was hit by a magnitude 8.0 earthquake, leading to the death of 300, 000 people and more than 3 billion dollars in damage and deficit. Many of the earthquake victims continue to live in temporary housings and tents.
  2. On July 7, 2021, Haiti’s former President Jovenel Moïse was assassinated, and as a result, more political instability and civil unrest continue to impact the lives of 11.26 million Haitians in Haiti and more than 5 million Haitian people in the Haitian Diaspora.
  3. On August 14, 2021, another earthquake devastated the Southern Region of Haiti, leaving thousands of deaths, more than 500 people are still missing, causing thousands of injuries ((12, 268 people), and catastrophic damages to hundreds of homes (53,000 houses).
  4. On August 16, 2021, Tropical Depression Grace expanded the damages and catastrophes in Southern Haiti, leaving more desolate homes and traumatic experiences.
  5. On August 26, 2021, the Haitian government has reported 20, 833 cases and 584 deaths due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
  6. In 2016, the country of Haiti was hit by hurricane Matthew, resulting in thousands of deaths and 140,000 families were displaced.
  7. In 2010, the UN peacemakers infected the Haitian people with cholera, leading to 819, 000 infected Haitians and 10,000 deaths. The after-effects of cholera continue to impact those communities and families.
  8. I am not even going to talk about the mass deportation of thousands of Haitian migrants and undocumented refugees during the Obama administration.
  9. I will not even be going to mention the current mistreatment and dehumanization of Haitian migrants and undocumented refugees in Del Rio, Texas, and the mass deportation to Haiti. It was estimated more than 14,000 Haitians were located at the border.
  10. I will not even reference the current plagues, including mass kidnappings, civil unrest, political instability, food insecurity, major health crises, ongoing gang violence and deaths, and rampant insecurity in many neighborhoods, shanty towns, and cities in Haiti.
  11. You are welcome to add more catastrophes to the list…

As a result, I would like you to consider with me these puzzling questions:

a) How much more can we bear as a people and nation?
b) How much suffering and pain can we endure, and shall we tolerate?
c) When is enough is enough?

If this God, the neocolonial God of these false Haitian prophets and prophetesses, has a further plan to destroy more Haitian people and inflict more pain and suffering upon us—as those charlatan Christian preachers and prophets have declared and continue to prophesy—I do not want that God and would rather side with Dutty Boukman, who summoned the enslaved population at Saint-Domingue-Haiti to radical action and complete freedom by pronouncing these powerful words on the night of August 22, 1791:

“Bon Dje ki fè la tè. Ki fè soley ki klere nou enro. Bon Dje ki soulve lanmè. Ki fè gronde loray. Bon Dje nou ki gen zorey pou tande. Ou ki kache nan niaj. Kap gade nou kote ou ye la. Ou we tout sa blan fè nou sibi. Dje blan yo mande krim. Bon Dje ki nan nou an vle byen fè. Bon Dje nou an ki si bon, ki si jis, li ordone vanjans. Se li kap kondui branou pou nou ranpote la viktwa. Se li kap ba nou asistans. Nou tout fet pou nou jete potre dje Blan yo ki swaf dlo lan zye. Koute vwa la libète kap chante lan kè nou.”

[“The god who created the earth; who created the sun that gives us light. The god who holds up the ocean; who makes the thunder roar. Our God who has ears to hear. You who are hidden in the clouds, who watch us from where you are. You see all that the white has made us suffer. The white man’s god asks him to commit crimes. But the god within us wants to do good. Our god, who is so good, so just, He orders us to revenge our wrongs. It’s He who will direct our arms and bring us the victory. It’s He who will assist us. We all should throw away the image of the white men’s god who is so pitiless. Listen to the voice for liberty that sings in all our hearts.”]

a. Anathema to all false teachers!
b. Anathema to all false prophets and prophetesses!
c. Aba Charlatan Christian preachers and ministers!
d. Aba to all false gods!

To paraphrase Cornell West in “Race Matters,”

The Haitian people need Haitian leaders–neither saints nor sparkling television personalities and prophets and prophetesses—who can situate themselves and Haitian theological and political history within a larger historical and religious narrative of the country of Haiti and the world. We need Haitian leaders and religious men and women who can grasp the complex dynamics of Haitian history, global history, and of Haitians’ peoplehood and imagine a Haitian future (and promising possibilities) grounded in the best of Haiti’s past, yet who are attuned to the frightening obstacles and catastrophies that now perplex the Haitian psyche and nation of Haiti.

Here is the original quote:

“We need leaders-neither saints nor sparkling television personalities—who can situate themselves within a larger historical narrative of this country and our world, who can grasp the complex dynamics of our peoplehood and imagine a future grounded in the best of our past, yet who are attuned to the frightening obstacles that now perplex us.”
–Cornell West, Race Matters

Full Transcript of My Interview with Yahoo News on Haitian History, Culture, and Politics!

This is the full transcript of my interview with Yahoo News. Only a small part of it was published. In the interview, I reflected upon Haitian history and culture, its landscape and landmarks, as well as contemporary Haitian politics, and Haiti’s place in the world.

“Interview for Yahoo News

With Marquise Francis

July 14, 2021

Celucien L. Joseph, PhD

1) For people who have never traveled to Haiti or experienced Haitian culture for themselves firsthand, how would you describe the people, the culture and the triumphs and challenges of Haiti?

I want to thank you for inviting me to participate in this interview about Haiti and contemporary issues in Haitian society. Your question is quite a relevant one to inform individuals who have never visited Haiti before or those who do not know much about Haitian history and culture. Allow me to comment on some fundamental issues about Haiti, the Haitian people, and the Haitian culture.

a) Let us talk first about Haiti’s location and proximity to the United States. The first thing one should know that the Republic of Haiti is a country located in the Caribbean in the American continent. It shares the island of Hispaniola with the neighboring country of Dominican Republic, situated on the East side of the island, and Haiti on the West side. Haiti is about the size of the state of Maryland and slightly smaller than the state of Massachusetts. According to the World Population Review, Haiti has a population of 11,547,400 people. Haiti is only six hundred miles from the U.S. coat or 1, 136 km. To show Haiti’s proximity to Miami, Florida, I usually tell this joke to people who have never been to Haiti. You can eat breakfast in Port-au-Prince, the capital city of Haiti, and eat lunch in Miami on the same day. In fact, the nonstop or direct commercial flight between Miami and Port-au-Prince is only 1 hour and 28 or 1 hour and 52 minutes depending on various factors such as flight path, airline, and headwinds. Haiti is surrounded by the Caribbean Sea to the West and the South, and the Atlantic Ocean to the North; it shares maritime borders with four countries: Cuba, Jamaica, the Bahamas, and Colombia.

b) Let us turn our attention to the people of Haiti, the second part of your question: the name Haiti or Ayiti means mountainous land or “land of mountains.” It is a country full of majestic and beautiful mountains and its natural world or landscape is quite mind-blowing or stunning. First-time visitors to Haiti will quickly realize that. When Christopher Columbus landed in the island of Hispaniola (Haiti) on December 5, 1492, he encountered the indigenous people of the island, the Indians. Columbus and the Spanish exploiters renamed the island La Española (which eventually became “Hispaniola”) and claimed it for the Spanish Empire; French colonists renamed the Western third of the island Saint-Domingue in 1697 at the Treaty of Rijswijk (“Ryswick”) and eventually claimed it for the French Empire. It is good to note here that that the first slaves in the island were Taíno Indians, not the Africans, the ancestors of the Haitian people. In fact, in 1516, the first sugar mill was constructed in Hispaniola and slavery was introduced in 1502 in this Caribbean region. (This is an important historical truth that should be corrected in American history and Black Studies: that the first African slaves landed in Haiti first, not in the United States in 1619 or 1618). As many accounts have maintained, when the indigenous population began to decimate in substantial number because of abuse, disease, hard labor, and exploitation, enslaved Africans were brought into the island to replace them and work in coffee, indigo, and cotton plantations; in 1517, 1500 enslaved Africans were forcibly brought there. After more than two hundred years of intense slave labor, collective suffering, colonial exploitation and subjugation, and countless human deaths, on the night of August 14, 1791, a group of slaves met at a place called Bois Caïman, about 2 miles to the city of Cap-Haitien, in the northern part of the country, to plan their liberation and independence in the context of a political-religious conference. The historic meeting was led by an anti-abolitionist slave coach and a religious leader of the Vodou faith by the name of Dutty Boukman. From 1791 to 1804, the glorious period of the Haitian Revolution, under the brilliant military leadership of General Toussaint Louverture then General Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the father of the Haitian nation, the enslaved population emancipated themselves and became free and independent from the unholy trinity of chattel slavery, colonization, and white colonial rule at Saint-Domingue.

Thus, prospective visitors or travelers to Haiti should know these basic historical facts about Haiti. The history of Africans at Saint-Domingue-Haiti began in chattel slavery and successful developed into a period of human freedom and political independence when Jean-Jacques Dessalines declared on January 1, 1804, the independence and birth of the nation of Haiti—an inseparable twin event. The former slaves became the masters of the land of mountains: Ayiti. Prospective visitors to Haiti need to know that the Republic of Haiti is one of the birthplaces of democracy in the modern world. To put it another way, Haiti is one of the oldest democracies in the Western world due to the watershed world event known as the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804). Haiti has also contributed enormously to the projects of universal emancipation, human rights, and human subjectivity in modern times. While slavery was the most challenging moment for the African ancestors of Haitians, the Haitian Revolution, and the birth of Haiti, as an indivisible moment, have become their most glorious moment of triumph in their history. The birth of the Republic of Haiti put an end to plantation slavery and promoted incontestably the idea of liberty for all.

Further, prospective travelers to Haiti should know these 15 historical facts about the nation of Haiti I am stressing below:

1) The first Spanish settlement or colony in the so-called New World was established in Haiti.

2) Haiti was the first independent nation of Latin America and the Caribbean.

3) Haiti and Canada are the only sovereign nations in continental America to have French as an official language, and Haiti is the only country in Latin America that adopted French as one of its official languages.

4) After the United States, Haiti was the second colony in the Western hemisphere to gain independence and became a republic.

5) Haiti produced the first and only successful slave revolution in world history.

6) Haiti was the first country in the world to abolish slavery permanently in its territory; Article 3 in its first Constitution of 1801 under the governorship of Toussaint Louverture, states: “There cannot exist slaves on this territory, servitude is therein forever abolished. All men are born, live and die free and French.” Article 2 of the Constitution of 1805 under the headship of Emperor Jean-Jacques Dessalines reiterates the legal ban and practice of slavery: “Slavery is forever abolished.”

7) Haiti was the first free Black Republic in the world.

8) Haiti was founded on the principle of racial equality, that is, Black people were equal to White people. In other words, Haiti promoted the non-negotiable equality of the human races. This essential equality of all people not only challenged contemporary discourses of the Enlightenment period on human hierarchy and human superiority based on race and intelligence; at its forced entrance into the world of the nations on January 1, 1804, Haiti legally debunked the pseudo-scientific doctrine that placed the White or Aryan race on the top of the human ladder while dehumanizing all other races and undermining the dignity of other racialized peoples and groups. As stated in Article 3 of the 1804 Constitution: “The Citizens of Hayti are brothers at home; equality in the eyes of the law is incontestably acknowledged, and there cannot exist any titles, advantages, or privileges, other than those necessarily resulting from the consideration and reward of services rendered to liberty and independence.”

9) The Haitian Revolution influenced Black slaves in the United States to strive for their own liberation, served as a model for other liberation and anti-slavery movements in Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Haitian Revolution stands today as a symbol of Black self-determination, Black freedom, and Black dignity.

10) Toussaint Louverture (1743-1803) was the first Black Governor in the Western world. He was born in Bréda, near Cap-Français, Saint-Domingue-Haiti and died in exile in prison in Fort-de-Joux, France on April 7, 1803. Toussaint was the first Black memorialist in French history; while in prison in France, he wrote his memoir entitled Mémoires Du Général Toussaint L’ouverture, Écrits Par Lui-Même (Memoir of General Toussaint L’Ouverture Written by Himself).

11) Pierre Toussaint is America’s First Black Saint. In 1996, Pope John Paull II declared Pierre Toussaint Venerable (“Venerable Pierre Toussaint”), the second step toward sainthood. He was born into slavery on June 27, 1766, in Saint-Marc, Haiti, and he died on June 30, 1853, in New York, NY.

12) Louis-Joseph Janvier (born in Haiti on May 7, 1855 – 24 March 1911) was the first Black to receive the doctorate degree in Medicine in 1881 and Juris doctor degree from a European University in Paris, France.

13) William Edward Burghardt Du Bois (“W.E.B. Du Bois”) (February 23, 1868 – August 27, 1963), whose father was born in Haiti, was the first Haitian American to receive a PhD from Harvard University in History in 1896. His doctoral dissertation is entitled “The Suppression of the African Slave Trade to the United States of America: 1638–1870” (1896). Du Bois was also a Pioneer of American Sociology and one of the founders of the discipline of Sociology along with European sociologists Karl Marx, Émile Durkheim, and Max Weber.

14) Haiti produced the first woman President in the Western world. Ertha Pascale-Trouillot (1943- ) became provisional President of Haiti for 11 months (1990-1991).

15) Michaëlle Jean (1957-) is Canada’s First Black Governor General (2005 to 2010) and was the first woman to become the third secretary-general of the Organization internationale de la Francophonie (2015-2019). She was born in Port-au-Prince and immigrated to Canada with her family in 1967 as a refugee.

c) Having provided a brief history of the Haitian people, let us now turn to the third part of your question, which pertains to the culture of the Haitian people.

The word “culture” is problematic and sometimes difficult to define. Generally, when one speaks of culture, one takes an anthropological and sociological approach. Broadly speaking, culture refers to traditions, beliefs, creative expressions, behavior, attitude, etc. The culture of a people is learned and evolves with time, and culture is not genetically decided. In other words, culture is not static, but it undergoes transformation or mutation as the people of a given culture interact with others and progress through time. For example, the African American hip hop and rap are popular music and artistic expressions in the contemporary Haitian culture. Not only Haitian music (i.e., Konpa) has been influenced by external forces and foreign musical traditions; the mother tongue of the Haitian people, Kreyòl/Creole, has undergone substantial changes over the past fifty years or so with the continuous infiltration of words and expressions from neighboring spoken-languages of English and Spanish. Similarly, as Haiti continues to receive visitors every day from different countries, the Haitian people have acquired new cultural values and practices and incorporated them into their own. The factor of global immigration and migration continue to shift and transform indigenous customs and mores and pervade other areas in a given society; these might include the country’s national literature, the performing and visual arts, mass media, even the architecture of a country. The people of Haiti are not exempt from these types of external influence or force.

Moreover, first-time travelers to Haiti should know that contemporary Haitian society is an amalgamation of different cultural elements (i.e., food, religion, music, dress, art, political governance, and organization) from Africa, Europe, and the indigenous Indian population that are fused together to create one creolized and syncretized culture; hence, we can speak of Haiti’s triple heritage in this manner. Because the ancestors of the Haitian people were predominantly Africans, the African element in the Haitian culture dominates and it is omnipresent in the Haitian society. For example, in Haitian Vodou, one of Haiti’s dominant religions, one could find (integrated) traditions and rituals from Central and Western African spirituality (or religious beliefs) mixed with Roman Catholic’s practices and Christian beliefs. Correspondingly, Haiti has two official languages: Creole and French; while the former is the popular language of all Haitians, the latter is spoken by a few. The sacred (Fon) language of the Vodou religion is originated from the same African regions noted above, as well grounded in the sacred vocabulary of the indigenous people of the island. Haitian creole, which is spoken by the majority of the population, is heavily influenced grammatically, phonetically, and syntactically by the French language—spoken by less than 15% of the population; arguably, the African linguistic impact in the Kreyol language is also observable.

Also, first-time visitors to Haiti who are looking to have a good time in Haiti while they are visiting should also be aware about the country’s historical landmarks and material heritage, its popular festivals (i.e., New Year’s Day/Independence Day: January 1; Ancestry Day: January 2; Carnival/Mardis Gras; 3 days in February; Rara festival; Dessalines Day: October 17; Jacmel Film Festival; Festival du Rhum Haiti) cuisine, sports (i.e., soccer), entertainment, etc. Haiti has a vibrant culture, and its festivals highlight the country’s national identity and patriotic pride, as well showcase Haitians’ attitude toward life, pleasure, and community. Below, I would like to suggest these top attractions (sightseeing) to tourists, as they consider touring different regions of the country:

· The Western region (Port-au-Prince): the Musée du Panthéon National Haïtien, Museum Ogier-Fombrun, Barbancourt Rum Distillery, Moulin Sur Mer, Marché de Fer, Champs de Mars, Notre Dame Cathedral Ruins, the Bureau of Ethnology, Saint-Anne Catholic Church.

· The Western region (Pétion-Ville) : Place Saint-Pierre, Place Boyer, Saint Peter’s Church, Galerie d’Art Nader, Fort Jacques, Fort Alexandre, Urbain de Martissant-Habitation Leclerc National Park, Wynne Farm Ecological Reserve.

· The Northern region (Cap-Haitian) : Cathédrale Notre Dame de Cap Haïtien, Cathédrale Square, Jose Marti Square, Jean-Jacques Dessalines Memorial Statue, Toussaint Louverture Memorial Statue, Citadelle Laferrière, the Palace of Sans-Souci, Labadee, Amiga Island, Cormier, Héros de Vertieres, Bois Caïman, Breda.

· The Northern region (Gonaïves) : Memorial de l’Indépendance, Place D’armes De La Ville Des Gonaïves, Toussaint Louverture Memorial Statue, Place Bouteille, Place Pétion, Place Bouteille

· The Southern region (Jacmel) : Jacmel Beach, Bassin Bleu, Marché de Fer, Jacmel Arts Center

· The Southern region : (Les Cayes) : Jardin Botanique des Cayes Haiti, Gelée Beach

· The Southern-Grand-Anse region (Jérémie): Anse d’Azur, Saint Louis King of France Cathedral, Patron Saint festival of Saint Louis, Kay Gina & Nansky Art Center.

***If visitors are interested in Haiti’s archeological heritage and its colonial past, I recommend visiting these major sites:

· The cavernes and caves (Grottes) : Marie-Jeanne Cave (Port-à-Piment) ; Grotte Kounoubwa (Camp-Perrin) ; Bellony Cave (Pestel) ; Grotte Dondon (Dondon/Saint-Raphaël) ; Grande Grotte (Port-à-Piment); Grotte Geffrard (Latique/Madame Jean Pierre); Grotte Soulas (Lévy/Camp-Perrin) ; Grotte Bois-Caïman (Caïman/Cap-Haitien).

***In Dondon (Saint-Raphael), there is an annual festival called the “Festival des Grottes (“Cave Festival”) that is open to both locals and tourists.

· The Forts : Fort des Anglais or Fort Saint-Louis (Saint-Louis-du-Sud) ; Fort des Oliviers (Saint-Louis-du-Sud) ; Citadel of Platons (Camp Perrin) ; the Fort (Fort-Liberté).

d) The final part of your question is about the challenges and triumphs of Haiti.

Let us look at some of the country’s challenges, both past and present. The Haitian people are a people who have known or experienced political tragedy, trauma, suffering, natural disasters, and all forms of abuse and exploitation coming from different directions and sources. The greatest challenge the Haitian people faced was chattel slavery, which they overcame in the Haitian revolution. Nonetheless, the post-independent state of Haiti and its people continue to struggle to live peacefully and democratically and to maintain national sovereignty and political freedom. The political instability that has characterized the Haitian state for many years has also become a collective experience of the Haitian people; the Haitian people have become victims of political totalitarianism, despots, authoritarianism, dictatorship, and various coups and coup attempts. Politics in Haiti is synonymous with national catastrophe, and the fragile political life continues to challenge the enduring legacy of the Haitian revolution. Yet during national tragedies and political failures of Haitian leaders, the Haitian people normally unite to solve their problems; relentlessly, they continue to maintain a thick nationalism and zealous patriotism that are full of hope and future possibilities to begin again or rehabilitate their country. The incompetence of Haiti’s politicians and leaders have intensified the collective suffering and delayed economic prosperity of the country.

One of the most challenges in contemporary Haitian society is to ensure long-term economic growth and development that would contribute to the common good and human flourishing in the Haitian society. Another challenge to the Haitian state is to secure national security and safety of all Haitian citizens. In the past two years, under the government of Jovenel Moïse, who unfortunately was assassinated on July 7, 2020, the people of Haiti have been subject to unending mass kidnapping and death, gang violence and trauma, and all forms of censorship, abuse, and humiliation; Haitian women and girls have been raped and dragged in the streets as if their individual life is meaningless. Correspondingly, the country has lost many innocent and prominent journalists, intellectuals, activists, educators, and social critics sometimes due to their public denunciation of state violence, human rights violation and abuse, and restrictions of popular freedom and democracy in the country. For example, journalist and photographer Diego Charles was fatally shot on June 29, 2021; on the same day, political activist Antoinette Duclair was also fatally wounded in her car; the police officer Guerby Geffrard was assassinated on May 1, 2021; and another police office by the name of Abdias Prophète was fatally shot in the streets of Cap-Haitian on February 18, 2021. Further, Haiti’s prominent journalist and public intellectual Jean Dominique was mysteriously murdered in 2000, and more recently the eminent Haitian Jurist and President of the Bar Association Monferrier Dorval was shot dead on August 28, 2020. Unfortunately, none of these individuals or their families have yet to receive justice from the country’s Justice system.

Moreover, it is correct to call Haiti the “suffering Republic” in the Western world. Haiti went through four civil wars (1791-1804, 1883-1884, 1902, 1908); four presidential assassinations (Jean-Jacques Dessalines: October 17, 1806; Sylvain Salnave: January 15, 1870; Jean Vilbrun Guillaume Sam: July 27, 1915; Jovenel Moïse: July 7, 2021), two American military occupations or interventions (1915-1934, 1994-2000); the brutal Dictatorial Duvalier Regime (1957-1986); and numerous military coups and coup attempts in post-Duvalier repression (1986-1991). The legacy of slavery and colonialism and Haiti’s repayment to France to recognize its independence in 1825, which is equivalent to $ 21 billion today, are equally responsible for Haiti’s economic disparity and underdevelopment. These tragic events have not only affected Haiti’s civil and political societies; they destabilized the country’s political configurations and democratic life, negatively impacted Haiti’s economy, and tragically transformed the living conditions in the nation.

Also, the United States has contributed enormously to the suffering of the Haitian people and Haiti’s economic challenges and decline, and political troubles. For example, during the period of the American occupation of Haiti (1915-1934), the United States (1) imposed Martial law in the country in September 1915; (2) the 1916 convention or treaty gave the U.S. rights over customs houses in Haiti’s main ports, finances (Haiti’s national bank and treasury), public health, the Gendarmerie (a new police force composing of police and army the occupation created), and the country’s infrastructures. In addition, in 1918, the US government drafted a new Constitution that allowed foreigners or non-Haitian citizens to become landowners in the country; the previous Constitution banned foreign land ownership. The new Constitution contained articles that preemptively protected the United State from possible future accusations by the Haitian government or the International Community. One of the lasting effects of the occupation was the centralizing of state power in Port-au-Prince, and the destabilization of the countryside’s economy; as a result, rural Haiti is heavily dependent on the market power and control of merchants and businesses in the capital. During the U.S. occupation, more than fifteen thousand Haitians were killed. Interestingly, even after the end of the occupation in August 1934, the United States continued to exert control over Haiti’s finances until 1947.

IUS policies toward Haiti have been detrimental to the country’s economic development and autonomy. By 1984, under the Duvalier administration (“Baby Doc”), the United States slaughtered more than a million black pigs in rural Haiti and replaced them with imported foreign pigs, which low-income Haitian peasants could not afford to raise. Prior to this imperial crime, Haitian peasants depended on raising pigs to feed their family, give their children an education, and maintain an economically-independent life. The trade policies of the Clinton administration had destroyed Haitian rice farming and production, and it had increased poverty and famine in Haiti, and heightened the country’s economic dependence on the US market. Evidently, decades of inexpensive products, including rice from the U.S. and other forms of imports to Haiti have destroyed local agriculture and production of Haitian goods. In the 1990s, President Clinton encouraged the developing country of Haiti to significantly cut tariffs on imported subsidized U.S. rice and other goods. In 2010, he publicly apologized for his destructive capitalist policy toward Haiti and affirmed to the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee: “It may have been good for some of my farmers in Arkansas, but it has not worked. It was a mistake. “I had to live every day with the consequences of the loss of capacity to produce a rice crop in Haiti to feed those people because of what I did.” Such trading policy has added to Haiti’s economic woes and its inability to be self-sufficient. Philippe Girard, a prominent historian of the Haitian Revolution and Haiti’s national history, makes this important observation about the US-Haiti relations in his book entitled Haiti: The Tumultuous History–From Pearl of the Caribbean to Broken Nation:

The United States has played a central role in Haiti over the past two hundred years. Aside from regularly sending troops to Haiti—particularly in the past decade—the United States has been the country’s main trading partner, the preferred destination for Haitian exiles, and six-hundred-pound political gorilla whose support (or lack thereof) can throw Haitian leaders in and out of office (p. 13).

Interested readers who would like to learn more about matters and interrelated historical events should read the following books:

· Paul Farmer, The Uses of Haiti (1994)

· Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (1978)

· J. Michael Dash, Culture and Customs of Haiti (2001)

· Robert Fatton Jr., Roots of Haitian Despotism (2007)

· Laurent Dubois, Haiti: The Aftershocks of History (2012)

· Alex Dupuy, Haiti: From Revolutionary Slaves to Powerless Citizens: Essays on the Politics and Economics of Underdevelopment, 1804-2013 (2014)

· Chantalle F. Verna, Haiti, and the Uses of America: Post-U.S. Occupation Promises (2017)

Finally, the other aspect of your first question has to do with the triumphs of Haiti. Observably, since 1804, the Haitian people have known more challenges and faced more traumas than living moments of triumph. Nonetheless, I would like to highlight five historic moments of triumph in our history:

· The Haitian Revolution that ended slavery and white rule in Saint-Domingue on November 18, 1803, at the Battle of Vertières—the final War that led to our glorious independence and the founding of the Haitian nation; as a result, Haiti had served as a beacon of light to all enslaved and oppressed people in the world.

· The birth of the only free Black Republic in the modern world on January 1, 1804.

· The fall of the Duvalier Regime in 1986, a symbol of the expressive will and collective determination of the Haitian people.

· The successful democratic-election of Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1990 and 2001, respectively; these two historic elections had rekindled Haitian optimism and strengthened the solidarity and unity of the Haitian people toward a better Haitian democracy and future possibilities in the country.

· All the attempts our ancestors made to resist human bondage in various historical epochs in colonial times and their collective struggle to gain their freedom should be regarded as heroic moments of triumph in our history; correspondingly, in modern Haitian society, all the attempts the Haitian people have made to say NO to political totalitarianism, NO to dictatorship, and NO to state-orchestrated violence and death, and YES to democracy, YES to collective freedom, YES to popular democracy, and YES to human rights and freedom of the press are memorable moments of victory in our national archive.

2) France forced Haiti to pay reparations in the 19th century after they fought for their freedom and paid for over 100 years. How has the economic weight of paying back more than (the equivalent to) $20 billion U.S. dollars compounded in the country over time? And is there a movement to get that money back?

Before I answer this question. It is important to understand the historical context in which Haiti had to pay France that large sum of money for the recognition of Haiti’s independence. It was President Jean-Pierre Boyer, who governed Haiti for twenty-seven years (1818-1843), who had agreed to pay reparations for slavery. Under Boyer’s presidency, both countries in the island of Hispaniola (Haiti and the Dominican Republican) were united. Boyer inherited a political structure from his predecessor President Alexandre Pétion; he was a dictator who squashed all political opposition and dissent. Like Pétion, he was worried about safeguarding Haitian freedom and independence and against external threats, especially from France. He conquered the East side of the island to protect Haitian independence, in case the French attempted to recolonize the country through the East side. King Henri Christophe in the North was also worried about possible attacks from the French, but he rejected France’s idea of reparations for slavery. In 1814, when France attempted to reestablish slavery and return the exiled plantation masters and colonizers to Haiti, the French Empire miserable failed in its attempt because of strong Haitian resistance and the general self-determination of the Haitian people to remain free and independent. By the mid-1820s, the planters of Saint-Domingue eventually realized that imperial France will not be able to reconquer independent Haiti and that they were not going to return to the Pearl of the Antilles, which they exploited and sucked its blood. Nonetheless, they pressured the French government for compensation for their economic lost associating with the Haitian Revolution. Before Boyer, in 1814, President Pétion had agreed with King Charles X of France that Haiti would pay an indemnity of 15 million francs to compensate the exiled French planters and former colonizers; in return, France would recognize the independence of Haiti. This promise would be fulfilled in 1825 under Boyer’s presidency.

Boyer signed the terms and conditions of the indemnity on July 11, 1825. It was good for France, but bad for the young Republic of Haiti. According to the royal ordinance, the Republic of Haiti would pay 150 million francs (the equivalent to $ 20 billion U.S. dollars today) to compensate the former colonists who requested collateral damage for their lost revenues from chattel slavery and plantation economy. (At the time, the indemnity to France was more than 10 times Haiti’s total annual budget. In 1825, the Republic of Haiti had only been in existence for only 24 years; what kind of economic progress and development a small country like Haiti could make in 24 years—giving the fact of the long-lasting effects of Western slavery and colonization in the new nation? It is also important to note in its first 25 years, no country in the Western world would commit legally to trading and exchanging goods with Haiti. They excluded Haiti from participating in international trading and commerce.) The royal agreement was that Haiti would pay France in five equal instalments, beginning in December 1825 and ending in 1830. King Charles X knew the young nation of Haiti could not afford to pay that large sum; France also knew Haiti’s annual budget for the past 24 years. In that era, Haiti’s economy and national productions were not substantial, and the young nation was still developing and finding itself politically, economically, and strategically. The reaction of the Haitian people toward Boyer’s decision was negative and furious; they contested the agreement giving the country’s poor economic efficiency. Historian Laurent Dubois in his excellent book, Haiti: The Aftershocks of History, comments on this tragic imperial exchange, Haiti’s debt to France:

In November 1825, Boyer took out a huge loan from a French bank in order to pay the first installment of the indemnity. The terms of the loan were highly disadvantageous: the Haitian government was obliged to repay 30 million francs over 25 years at annual interest rate of 6 percent, but the bank charged an additional 20 percent free just to provide the money to Haiti, so in fact only 24 million francs went toward the indemnity. This arrangement helped create what Haitians came to refer to as the “double debt” of independence, with the original amount of the indemnity significantly increased over the long term by loan fees and interest…With the indemnity, Haiti suddenly became a debtor nation, an unlucky pioneer of the woes of postcolonial economic independence (p. 102).

Every year, President Boyer struggled to pay France because of the country’s economic deficit and additional national and foreign debts. Haiti defaulted on the payment. King Charles would not negotiate. France threatened Haiti with warships in Haiti’s main ports. Being under pressure of possible invasion or war and the fear of losing the country’s independence, President Boyer had to drain the country’s treasury of its reserves to pay the immoral debt to Haiti’s former masters and colonizers. One historian observes, “In the years 1825 to 1831 inclusive, Haiti’s annual expenditures exceeded revenues by amounts ranging from 220,000 gourdes to 1.3 million gourdes” (Heinl, Written in Blood, p. 171). About 1838, it was reported that 30 percent of Haiti’s annual budget went to the French treasury to pay for the colonial debt. In the same year, France and Haiti signed another treaty called Traité d’Amitié”/ “Treaty of Friendship” that reduced the outstanding balanced to 60 million francs. Haiti went into further debt to pay the remaining sum owed to imperial France.

***A note of reminder: It is good to note here under Boyer and other preceding presidents, Haiti had experienced foreign hostility and exclusion, and no country was willing to legally trade with Haiti. The world’s great powers (France, Britain, the United States) at the time did not recognize Haiti’s independence because France would not legally validate it. Boyer was concerned to remove Haiti from this trade and commercial predicament with these powerful international countries. After the official recognition, Haiti was able to establish commercial relations with the noted countries and those in Latin American region. Yet it was until 1947 that Haiti was able to pay off the loan with the accrued interests associating with the indemnity to France. The 90 million francs which Haiti paid to France had contributed enormously to Haiti’s gross economic development and abject poverty; the indemnity harshly injured the country’s ability to flourish in the modern world. This large sum of debt reimbursed to France could have been used to improve Haiti’s education and agriculture, enhance national healthcare and public housing, and build stronger infrastructures in the country. The institution of slavery along with colonization and finance capitalism do have severe consequences and their effects continue to haunt Haiti today.

To respond to the last part of the question, to my knowledge there is not an existing movement in Haiti or in the Haitian Diaspora that is pressuring France to do the most moral and ethical thing: to return the money back to Haiti. There is not an international movement outside of Haiti demanding reparations from France. By contrast, France was supposed to pay reparations to independent Haiti for chattel slavery and for receiving unpaid labor from the enslaved African population in the French colony of Saint-Domingue for almost 300 years. Instead, they did the most unthinkable thing, what I call the grand colonial theft against the people of Haiti. In 2002, former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide demanded France to pay formal recompense to the people of Haiti. France ignored Aristide’s moral demand. Just like slavery and colonization, the 150 million francs indemnity was an international crime against humanity and a categorical violation of the economic rights of the Haitian state and the Haitian people.

3) How would you describe the overall sentiment of Hatians following the assassination of President Jovenel Moise? And what was your personal reaction? And what do you think is next for the government?

The assassination of President of Jovenel Moïse on Wednesday, July 7, 2021, at 1:00 a.m. created a mix feeling among the Haitian people in Haiti and the Haitian Diaspora. I would like to highlight three chief reasons for this ambivalent sentiment and attitude toward the President’s tragic death. First, many Haitians believe that President Moïse was challenging and attacking Haiti’s bourgeoisie class (the Haitian oligarchy) and small-elite minority that are exploiting the Haitian masses, during the first two years of his presidency. Thus, those same Haitian citizens saw him as one who will change the order of things in the country, improve its bad infrastructures, and strengthen Haiti’s economy and national productions. These Haitian individuals interpret his death as heroic, even some claimed that he died as a martyr for the Haitian people. They judged that they killed President Moïse because he was defending the interests of the Haitian people. I would like to call these Haitian citizens the Pro- Moïse Group.

Second, there is another group of Haitian citizens who did not trust Jovenel Moïse from the beginning, particularly when he announced his presidential campaign five years ago. The former President Joseph Martelly, who is despised by most of the Haitian population because of his corruption and association with the Haitian oligarchy, actively campaigned with Moïse and independently mobilized the Haitian people to cast a vote for Jovenel Moïse. Other corrupt Haitian politicians and national leaders, some of whom are neo-Duvalierists, also campaigned on behalf of Moïse. Let us call those who have opposed Moïse the Anti-Moïse Crew. Third, just like his predecessor, many Haitians believe that President Moïse was a tool of American imperialism in Haiti and was a puppet president; this collective belief led to overwhelmingly mass-street protests and criticism and distrust of his policies, political interventions, and his ability and willingness to govern in the best interest of the Haitian people. Finally, what both groups share (the Pro-Moïse Group and the Anti- Moïse Crew) can be summarized in two major points: 1) both groups had lost trust in Moïse’s governance because they claimed that he has become a ruthless leader and dictator for two chief reasons: a) he refused to leave power when his term was over, and b) under his presidency, the country has witnessed regularly deaths of innocent Haitian citizens, gang violence, state-sponsored crimes, kidnapping, and rape were rampant in the country; 2) Both groups believe that President Moïse failed to hold parliamentary elections about a year and half ago because he was a power-hungry leader and wanted to accumulate more power. For about a year and a half, President Moïse was ruling the country by decree.

Overall, regardless of one’s political standing or affiliation, I believe the assassination of a functioning president in any country is not a good intervention for a country and its citizens. In the case of Haiti, the assassination of President Moïse is creating more political instability and chaos, social incoherence, group disunity, and political division in the country. When I heard about the President’s assassination early Wednesday morning, I was in shock and spent the night deprived of sleep. I was thinking about this political catastrophe and the devastating effects it will have on contemporary Haitian society. I could not believe that we would witness such a barbaric and inhumane act in 2021 in the Haitian society.

What do I think is next for the Haitian government?

That is another good question. Evidently, I believe that Haiti needs a new political system and climate grounded on Haiti’s democratic ideals and thick patriotism, as the past generations of Haiti have witnessed in the persons, ideas, and activist works of Jacques Roumain, Jean Price-Mars, Jacques Stephen Alexis, Marie-Vieux Chauvet, and the Haitian feminist political activists and Women rights advocates (i.e. Madeleine Sylvain, Yvonne Sylvain, Fernande Bellegarde, Marie-Thérèse Poitevien, Lucienne Heurtelou, Alice Garoute, Thérèse Hudicourt, Alice Téligny Mathon, Marie-Thérèse Colimon) who came together to create the Ligue Féminine d’Action Sociale (Feminine League for Social Action) in 1934. The current political system in Haiti is fraudulent and the country’s contemporary political leaders cannot be trusted. The system is rigged and represents a neocolonial tradition that continues to devour its own people; it is devoid of thick love for the Haitian people and patriotic zeal to move Haiti toward prosperity and human flourishing. These men and women who are currently involved in Haiti’s current political system need to leave the political sphere and make room for young progressive and democratically-minded Haitian politicians who will lead the Haitian people to promising future possibilities and take the country to an alternative path toward economic development and political sovereignty.

Further, I do not believe the current interim Prime Minister should move quickly to organize elections in September (parliamentary) and November (presidential), respectively. Haiti is in a state of fragility and a very divided country politically and ideologically; its institutions and systems are wounded and rigged, and the people of Haiti are hurting and suffering massively. There are too many factions among Haitian politicians and the Haitian people. Before we can hold parliamentary and presidential elections, we need to sit down as a people and nation; we need to take suggestions from one another and plan jointly the future of our beloved native land. We need to listen to each other and understand one another’s concern. It is important for us as a people and nation to make a new pact, even a national covenant with each other—as our ancestors did to break the shackles of slavery and white rule at Saint-Domingue (they took an oath to live or die free)—and devise a constructive plan for the next 40 to 50 years about the rebirth and future of Haiti. Without this national pact, intergenerational dialogues, and national reconciliation, future elections will not change anything in Haiti. Traditionally, elections in Haiti are not democratic and never worked in the best interest and welfare of the Haitian people. It is the same people and same associates who are elected and leading and placed in political power and influence over the suffering Haitian masses. If we do not work together and make this necessary patriotic oath that will lead to national repentance and reconciliation, we will continue repeating the same mistakes of the past and make further false political moves and interventions that will generate greater collective suffering and economic dependency, and a bankrupt Haitian democracy. Right now, the Haitian people and Haitian politicians have a great opportunity to rebuild the country and to begin again.

My hope is that the interim government will work together with the Haitian masses to create a “National Dialogue and Reconciliation Committee” to work on those vital issues that have been hurting our nation for so long and delaying human flourishing in our country. The interim government must allow the voice and will of the Haitian people to triumph, that is, to let the Haitian people choose their own representatives to create such committee. Such committee must be at the regional, departmental, communal, and federal level in the country. It will help us deal with issues of accountability and responsibility, and the moral framework that is desperately needed to rebuild our nation, reconstruct ourselves, and empower Haitian youths to reach the stars.

Finally, I am very optimistic that the new Haitian government should consist of young progressive Haitian citizens and competent politicians who will prioritize the country’s healthcare system and the general welfare of the Haitian people. The new administration should invest in Haitian youths and public education (both secondary and higher learning), especially in STEM, so that Haiti could produce skilled engineers, scientists, technicians, mathematicians, entrepreneurs to take the country to another economic dimension and prosperity. These new professionals will be important to boost our economy and improve our infrastructures in various areas, including water sanitation, electricity, national safety and security, cyber security, medical and science technology, environment, etc. Evidently, we also need radical change in our Justice system so popular justice could reign supreme in the country. The new administration should also exploit the country’s agriculture and natural resources so the country could be self-sufficient and economically strong. National production is necessary for Haiti to maximize its exports and trade with the international community and strengthen its economic power nationally and internationally. Haiti needs new trading partners that will not exploit us or take advantage of our people and resources. We need to create. We need to produce. We need to build. We need to invent. We need a new Haiti for the Haitians.

4) can you share with me a bit about your background? I know you live in Florida now with your family based on your bio but were you born and raised in Haiti? If so, what part and what was that experience like?

Of course! I was born in Haiti and grew up in Haiti’s second largest and most historic city, Cap-Haitien. I am from a family of seven siblings: 4 men and 3 women. I am the sixth one in the family. My father Louis Joseph was an excellent father and an incredible human being; he was a good Haitian-American citizen and hard-working man. He came to the United States in 1979 to find a better life for his family. I was one year old. My mother Helene Joseph was the most wonderful person who has graced my life and that of my siblings; she was the most loving and caring individual I have known. Both my parents have instilled in us love for education, passion for learning, and a remarkable spiritual legacy. All of us live in the state of Florida except for one brother who still lives in Haiti with his family.

I had a wonderful childhood in Haiti full of great memories and exceeding joy. I enjoyed going to my school’s library when I was growing up in Haiti. I was an avid reader of fiction and enjoyed reading short stories. In particularly, I loved Haiti’s national history and it was my passion to learn about our national heroes and heroines and take frequent trips to Haiti’s heritage landmarks and historical sites. My favorite place to visit with my family was the countryside. I still love Haiti’s countryside and enjoy hanging out with Haitian farmers, peasants, and fishermen. (Even today when I return to Haiti, I often spend my time in the countryside.) My older brother Sam and I regularly spent our summer vacations in the countryside of Port-Margot. Over the years, we cultivated good relations and made sustaining friendship with children of our age. We often played hide and seek together and participated in many soccer tournaments in the countryside. When I was still in Elementary and Middle school in Haiti, we would often visit historic sites and landmarks such as Citadelle, Palais Sans-Souci, Breda, Vertieres, etc., in the Northern part of the country. Those were wonderful moments of my childhood in Haiti that I will never forget. Haiti has permanently marked my life and my identity; my soul lives in Haiti because Haiti lives in me.

I came to the United States and immigrated to Florida when I was 15 years old. I went to High School in Broward County in Fort Lauderdale, and attended College in Florida, graduate school in Kentucky and Texas, and in Pretoria, South Africa, respectively. Professionally, I have been an educator for twenty years, and currently serve as professor of English at Indian River State College (Florida). I have two research doctoral degrees: A PhD in (English) Literary Studies (Emphasis in African American Intellectual History, African American Literature, Caribbean Literature and Culture) from the University of Texas at Dallas (Texas), and another PhD in Systematic Theology and Ethics from the University of Pretoria. I was trained in history, literature, religion, and theology, and in my scholarship and research, I often bring these academic disciplines in conversation. Thus, I consider myself an intellectual historian, a literary scholar, and a religious scholar. I am a researcher and scholar in Haitian History and Literature, Caribbean, Black, and Africana Studies. I single-authored six academic books and edited five volumes on major thinkers such as Jacques Roumain, Jean Price-Mars, Wole Soyinka, James Cone, Edwidge Danticat, Joseph Antenor Firmin. I write about things that interest me. I have also published five popular books, including one children’s book.

“Haitian Migrants, the SBC, and the Need for a Prophetic Protestant Haitian American Church”

“Haitian Migrants, the SBC, and the Need for a Prophetic Protestant Haitian American Church”

Most Haitian pastors rarely defend in public or in their congregations the rights of the Haitian people to live and exist as human beings, nor do they denounce the abuse, oppression, and human rights violation the Haitian people experience, both in Haiti and Haitian Diaspora (i.e. the United States)

Haitian Christian (Protestant) congregations are silent about the suffering and predicament of Haitian migrants and undocumented refugees in Del Rio, Texas and elsewhere in the United States.

More than 488 Haitian American congregations are affiliated with The Southern Baptist Convention, the most politically influential Evangelical denomination in the United States. I have not seen a single (local, state, and national) SBC leader denounce the mistreatment of Haitian migrants in Texas. This denomination has been consistently silent on Black suffering and the violence and racism launched toward Black Christians and Christians of color, correspondingly.

What is the use of the SBC leadership to Haitian Christians and churches if it is unable to defend the dignity and humanity of Haitian migrants? The defense of the vulnerable (migrants) and the poor is a “Gospel and justice issue.” Perhaps, now is the time for Haitian churches to leave the SBC.

What is the use of Haitian pastors and ministers if they continue to be silent about the suffering of the economically-challenged and marginalized Haitians?

What is the use of Haitian Protestant churches if they’re unable to put their prophetic hats on to shout HAITIAN LIVES MATTER and that Haitian migrants should be treated as HUMAN BEINGS. The Haitian American Church has no prophetic voice and no political consciousness. There is not a single drop of blood of activism in its veins.

Arguably, the Haitian-American Protestant church is in the midst of a prophetic vision crisis. It is time to rethink about ecclesiastical leadership in Haitian American churches and the SBC. We are also dealing with a question of value and moral conundrum in Haitian American Christianity and the SBC.

Ancient Christianity: A Global Religion

Christianity began as a global religion. By the first century, Christianity was already widely spread in Asia, Africa, and eventually made its way progressively to Western Europe. The historiography of ancient Christianity (especially in North Africa, Ethiopia, Nubia, Egypt) offers incredible supporting details that it was not the European Protestant Reformation, slavery, colonialism, Western capitalism or Western imperialism that globalized the Christian faith in various parts of the world. However, those historical events and moments contributed significantly to the spread of Christianity in the modern world. Yet the gravity of “World Christianity” is beyond Western Europe and Western Christianity–in the postcolonial moments.

In the same line of thought, it was not Emperor Constantin I (306- 337 AD) who globalized Christianity. Christianity was already a globalized faith before the Council of Nicaea (325 AD) and before Constantin the Great used his vast political power and influence not only to expand the Roman empire but also to expand the geographical borders of the religion of the Empire: Christianity.

Colonial Texts and Colonial Knowledge: The Social Life, Knowledge, and Religious Experience of the Africans in the French colony of Saint-Domingue (“Haiti”):

Colonial Texts and Colonial Knowledge: The Social Life, Knowledge, and Religious Experience of the Africans in the French colony of Saint-Domingue (“Haiti”):

  1. Dutertre, Père Jean- Baptiste. (1654). Histoire generale, des isles de S. Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de la Martinique, et autres dans l’Amerique… St. Genevsiese: Chez Jacques Langlois.
  2. Labat, Père Jean-Baptiste. (1742). Nouveau Voyage aux Isles de L’Amerique. Paris: Chez Guillaume Cavelier.
  3. Dutertre, Père Jean- Baptiste. (1654). Histoire generale, des isles de S. Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de la Martinique, et autres dans l’Amerique… St. Genevsiese: Chez Jacques Langlois.
  4. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Méderic-Louis-Elie. (1797-98). Description topographique, physique, civile, politique, et historique de la partie Française de l’isle Saint-Domingue…. Philadelphia.