“The World Cup and the Shadows of History”

The World Cup is more than the world’s premier sporting event. It is a global cultural phenomenon shaped by history, politics, economics, and the enduring legacies of empire. Like many global institutions, the history of the World Cup reflects broader patterns of inequality, including the long-standing concentration of influence and power within European football. Yet the story of the tournament is also a story of extraordinary achievement, creativity, and resilience, especially from nations of the formerly colonized world whose athletes have transformed the meaning and beauty of the game.

As someone who grew up outside the United States, I sometimes wish more of my American friends could see football through the eyes of those who experience it in the Global South. For millions across Africa, the Caribbean, Latin America, and parts of Asia, football has never been simply entertainment. It has been a language of identity, a source of national pride, a form of cultural expression, and sometimes a symbol of resistance and hope.

The beauty of the game cannot be separated entirely from the history that shaped the world in which it developed. Football, like many other global institutions, carries the marks of colonialism, race, nationalism, and unequal systems of (economic) power. To recognize these realities is not to diminish the greatness of the World Cup or the achievements of the athletes who have given the world unforgettable moments of joy and inspiration. Rather, it is to understand more fully why this game matters so deeply to so many people around the world.

The World Cup has the potential to represent something greater than competition. If football truly belongs to the world, then the tournament should continually strive to reflect the values that make the game so powerful: dignity, equality, respect, inclusion, and the recognition of our shared humanity. Ultimately, the World Cup is about more than who lifts the trophy. It is also about the kind of global community we aspire to build together and the kind of human connection we’re trying to foster transnationally.

As the Americans call it, soccer reminds us that even within histories marked by inequality and division, human beings continue to create beauty, connection, and meaning. The challenge before us is to ensure that the world’s game reflects not only our passion for sport and athleticism, but also our deepest hopes for a more just, democratic, and humane world.

“On the Meaning and Democratic Promise of the United States at Its 250th Anniversary”

As the United States commemorates the 250th anniversary of its founding this Fourth of July (1776-2026), I believe that as a people we have an opportunity not only to celebrate our shared history but also to reflect on this nation we aspire to become. We have an opportunity to reflect critically on the meaning and democratic promise of this great nation. Observably, anniversaries are moments of remembrance and celebration, but they are also invitations to moral imagination and self-reinvention. They call us to envision, together, what we can achieve, what we can build, what we can transform, what we can construct and deconstruct, and how we can help our country more fully embody its highest ideals and greatest democratic promise.

I am suggesting the following ten principles that are rooted in a philosophy of democratic humanism and an ethics of collective care. The principle of democratic humanism construes democracy, human dignity, justice, empathy, the common good, and moral responsibility as inseparable. This vision of America’s multicultural and multiracial democracy also recognizes the importance of secure and just immigration laws and policies while insisting that every person, whether a citizen or non-citizen, documented or undocumented, possesses an inherent human dignity that should never be denied or diminished. As a civilized nation, our laws and public policies should reflect not only our shared national interests but also our shared humanity.

As we reflect collectively on this historic milestone, I offer these ten principles as an invitation to imagine together a United States that more faithfully lives up to its founding ideals and more courageously fulfills its democratic potential. They place a clarion call upon us as citizens to ask this pressing question: “How Do We Measure the Greatness of a Country?” This is not a question that sides with a particular political party, nor should it be interpreted as an ideological statement; rather, this existential question is framed within our hopeful civic reflection and truly democratic nation.

The work of democracy:

1. Cares for the least among its citizens. This will ensure that no one is abandoned because of poverty, disability, age, education, status, or circumstance.
2. Prioritizes the health, safety, and well-being of its people. This recognizes that human flourishing is among the highest responsibilities of a just and democratic society.
3. Treats every person with equal dignity and respect. This categorically rejects dehumanization, discrimination, xenophobia, and racism and unapologetically affirms the equal moral worth and inherent value of every human being.
4. Champions democracy, justice, and the rule of law. This will ensure that power is exercised with accountability, integrity, responsibility, transparency, and fairness, as well as within an ethic of relationality and mutual reciprocity.
5. Provides quality education for all. This will foster an environment of informed, thoughtful, and engaged citizens capable of sustaining democratic life and civic participation.
6. Removes barriers that prevent the poor and the vulnerable from realizing their full potential. This will expand opportunity and access and promoting genuine social mobility and success.
7. Protects the fundamental rights and freedoms of every person. This includes freedom of conscience, expression, religion, peaceful assembly, and civic participation.
8. Builds institutions that embody hospitality, compassion, dignity, respect, and mutual responsibility. This attitude will strengthen trust and solidarity across differences and cultures with our multicultural and multiracial democratic society.
9. Promotes the common good and human flourishing in society. This kind of practice will ensure that economic prosperity, political power, and social opportunity advance the flourishing of all rather than the privilege of a few.
10. Enacts laws and public policies that respect the inherent dignity of foreigners, refugees, immigrants, and undocumented individuals. Such idea categorically rejects language, stereotypes, public discourses or practices that dehumanize them while upholding justice, due process, and the equal worth of every person.

The greatness of the United States will not be measured not merely by its wealth, military power, intangible qualities, or global influence, but by the dignity this great nation extends to every individual, the opportunities it creates for all people to flourish and achieve their full potential, and the justice it champions on behalf of the most vulnerable, the least fortunate among its citizens. This is the true identity of a multiracial and multicultural democratic society. This is the democratic future we aspire to become as a country.

Happy Fourth of July, Fellow Americans!!!🇺🇸

This is the English version of my recent opinion piece that was originally published in French in Rezo Nòdwès as “Haïtiens : Nous devons reconstruire notre pays !”

“Haitians: We Need to Rebuild Our Country!”

On Thursday, June 25, 2026, the Supreme Court of the United States, by a 6–3 vote, allowed the Trump administration to move forward with terminating Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for approximately 350,000 Haitians living in the United States. This controversial decision sends a troubling message to Haitians both at home and throughout the Haitian diaspora. It places thousands of TPS holders in an uncertain legal position and raises serious concerns about their safety should they be forced to return to Haiti. This is indeed a crisis moment for all Haitians, not just for TPS holders.

International media and news outlets have consistently documented Haiti’s deteriorating humanitarian and security crisis. Port-au-Prince, the nation’s capital, remains plagued by gang violence, kidnappings, widespread insecurity, and unimaginable acts of brutality and abuse. At the same time, Haiti has struggled with political instability since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse on July 7, 2021.

Successive U.S. administrations, beginning with President Joe Biden and continuing under President Donald Trump, have supported international efforts to improve Haiti’s security situation. The United States has played a significant diplomatic and financial role in facilitating the deployment of the Kenyan-led Multinational Security Support Mission. Yet despite these initiatives, the daily lives of most Haitians have changed little. Gang violence continues to terrorize communities, state institutions remain fragile, and millions of Haitians still live without genuine security or hope. International assistance, while important, cannot substitute for the hard work of rebuilding Haiti’s institutions through accountable Haitian leadership and sustained civic engagement.

How, then, should Haitians respond to the recent Supreme Court decision? How should we move forward knowing that the administration now has the legal authority to terminate TPS and potentially deport hundreds of thousands of Haitians?

First, simply denouncing the Supreme Court’s decision as biased or discriminatory will not persuade the administration to reverse its policy.

Second, labeling the Trump administration as “anti-Haitian” or “racist,” whether justified or not, is unlikely to change its immigration agenda
Third, reminding Americans of Haiti’s historic contributions to the founding of the Americas, or highlighting the many contributions Haitian Americans continue to make to American society, democracy, public service, and human rights, may inspire appreciation, but it will not necessarily alter current immigration policy.

By raising these concerns, I am neither promoting cynicism nor surrendering to pessimism. Nor am I suggesting that Haitians should abandon peaceful protest or remain silent in the face of injustice. On the contrary, we have every right to speak, organize, advocate, and defend the dignity of our people.
Yet peaceful protest alone is not enough.
Working alongside our international allies, Haitians must begin the more difficult but necessary work of rebuilding our nation and reclaiming our future. The recent TPS decision is a sobering reminder that Haiti’s future cannot rest indefinitely in the hands of foreign governments. Ultimately, the responsibility for Haiti belongs to Haitians. More than a century ago, Louis Joseph Janvier captured this enduring truth in his call for national sovereignty: “Haiti is for the Haitians.” His words remain as urgent today as they were in the nineteenth century.

I therefore offer five recommendations below:

First, we must recognize that Haiti cannot continue to depend indefinitely on the goodwill or mercy of the United States or any other foreign nation. Haiti is not a charitable project. We are a courageous, resilient, creative, and dignified people capable of determining our own destiny.

Second, Haitians must recover confidence in themselves. We must believe that we are enough, that our lives matter, and that united we possess the capacity to transform the living conditions of our people. This requires intentional leadership, strategic thinking, and a long-term vision for Haiti’s future.

Third, we must learn to rely more deeply on one another rather than depending primarily on outsiders to rescue us. International partnerships have their place, but they cannot substitute for national responsibility. We are not beggars, and we must reject every mentality that reduces us to perpetual dependence.

Fourth, Haiti possesses extraordinary human capital both within the country and throughout its global Diaspora. We have the intelligence, professional expertise, entrepreneurial talent, and determination necessary to make Haiti safe again—for those who have remained, and for those who long to return home.

Finally, we must undergo a profound transformation of mentality. We must reject the culture of dependency on foreign governments and foreign aid. We must reject the belief that Haitians are incapable of solving Haitian problems. Above all, we must stop doubting our collective ability to rebuild our institutions, strengthen our democracy, improve public security, and restore hope to our people.

The Supreme Court’s decision is undoubtedly painful for thousands of Haitian families and innocent children. Nevertheless, history teaches us that great nations are often forged in moments of adversity and uncertainty. The Republic of Haiti itself was born from extraordinary courage, sacrifice, and determination made by our founding heroes and heroines. Perhaps, this difficult moment is also an invitation, a clarion call for Haitians everywhere to rediscover our collective strength, rebuild our institutions, invest in our homeland, and reclaim responsibility and leadership autonomy for the future of our nation and our people.

No foreign government will love Haiti more than Haitians themselves. The time has come for us to rebuild our country. To be sure, Haiti’s civil and political societies face profound challenges. Weak institutions, political fragmentation, insecurity, and economic hardship continue to hinder national progress and human flourishing. Nevertheless, these obstacles should not become excuses for inaction and passivity. Rather, they should compel us to work together to rebuild our nation. As Haitians, we should remind ourselves that the future of Haiti and the destiny of our people will not ultimately be decided in Washington, New York, Ottawa, Paris, or Nairobi. It will be decided by Haitians who choose to believe once again in Haiti.

“We Belong Together”

The deepest crises in American society are not merely political, economic, cultural, or racial; they are crises of moral imagination. As a nation, we have forgotten how to imagine one another as equally dignified human beings, capable of building a common democratic future.

We have underestimated the moral significance of our shared humanity and neglected the civic virtues that make democratic life possible: mutual respect, tolerance, responsibility, compassion, love, and solidarity.

No society can flourish when it closes its eyes to the possibility of living together and ignores the truth that our futures are bound to one another. Human flourishing is never an individual project; it is a collective. We do not simply live alongside one another; we belong together.